Authored by Mike Shedlock via mishtalk,
There are huge flaws in the Section 122 tariff idea.

An appeals court has already invalidated Section 122 tariffs now imposed by Trump.
Two New Issues
- Balance of Payments (discussed in detail below)
- Unusual and Extraordinary Threat (obviously nonexistent)
The statutory requirement for Section 122 is “Large and Serious Balance-of-Payments Deficits.”
They don’t exist. Trade deficits are not the same thing.
Court Case History Mentioning Balance of Payments
Please consider Case 2025-1812 Trump vs State of Arizona, Colorado, Illinois, Minnesota, Nevada, etc. Emphasis Mine
Plaintiffs’ attempts to defend the CIT’s actual reasoning—that “regulate … importation” authorizes only some tariffs—likewise fail. Plaintiffs rely on Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974, but that statute cannot be read to narrow the President’s IEEPA authority. The statutes “coexist harmoniously.” Department of Agric. Rural Dev. Rural Hous. Serv. v. Kirtz, 601 U.S. 42, 63 (2024). Section 122 authorizes measures to address non-emergency balance-of-payments concerns. And IEEPA supplies a distinct, complementary authority to address balance-of-payments concerns and other issues when they constitute emergencies. Congress commonly provides overlapping authorities, especially in this context, and it is particularly clear that Congress intended these two statutes to buttress each other given that Congress enacted IEEPA after Section 122.
Even if Section 122 had been enacted after IEEPA, reading it as “‘displac[ing]’” part of the President’s authority under IEEPA would be improper unless plaintiffs could overcome the “‘strong presumption’” that the statutes “can coexist harmoniously.” Department of Agric. Rural Dev. Rural Hous. Serv. v. Kirtz, 601 U.S. 42, 63 (2024). Plaintiffs cannot carry that “‘heavy burden,’” id. Indeed, Yoshida articulates how the two statutes coexist: Congress “said what may be done with respect to foreseeable events” in various statutes, including Section 122, and “what may be done with respect to unforeseeable events in the TWEA,” 526 F.2d at 578 (emphases added), and now in IEEPA. That is, while Section 122 empowers the President to address non-emergency balance-of-payments concerns, IEEPA supplies a distinct, complementary authority to address emergencies, including but not limited to balance-of-payments concerns.
[The Killer Phrase]
Nor does it have any obvious application here, where the concerns the President identified in declaring an emergency arise from trade deficits, which are conceptually distinct from balance-of-payments deficits. See, e.g., S. Rep. No. 93-1298, at 89 (1974) (Senate report on Section 122, recognizing the possibility of “a large payments surplus” at the same time as “a large trade deficit”).
[Killer Phrase II]
Section 122 fully applies to balance-of-payments tariffs when the President has not declared an emergency and identified an “unusual and extraordinary threat,” 50 U.S.C. § 1701; IEEPA supplies additional power to address balance-of-payments concerns when those preconditions are met, and to address other concerns
TWEA authority had impliedly been limited by the later enactment of Section 122, that is now irrelevant because Congress enacted IEEPA after Section 122 (and Yoshida). As discussed above (at 5-6), it defies credulity to suggest that when Congress enacted IEEPA, using the same language that had been construed to authorize a balance-of-payments surcharge in TWEA, Congress meant to exclude such authority.
Finally, Section 122’s legislative history—which the private plaintiffs invoke, Br. 31—does not help them. Plaintiffs inaccurately paraphrase the Senate committee report on the statute containing Section 122 as saying Congress passed that provision “to provide ‘explicit statutory authority’ to deal with the type of emergency President Nixon declared in 1971.” V.O.S. Br. 31. In fact, the report says that Congress wanted the President “to have explicit statutory authority to impose certain restrictions on imports for balance of payments reasons,” S. Rep. No. 93-1298, at 88—not that Congress meant for the provision to cover “emergenc[ies]” (V.O.S. Br. 31).
DOJ Already Admitted Section 122 Invalid
DOJ confessed Section 122 tariffs were baseless in Oct '25—yet Trump imposed them anyway Jan '26. This hypocrisy costs Americans $236B net loss, slashing incomes by $2,150 for working families while mocking Congress's power.
Constitutional theft demands accountability. Repeal…
— White House Xray (@xray_media) February 21, 2026
Balance of Payment Deficit
Milton Friedman in 1967, explaining why a balance of payments deficit can only occur under a fixed exchange rate.
The US formally abandoned fixed exchange rates in March 1973.
There cannot be a balance of payments deficit now, by definition. Section 122 tariffs are illegal. pic.twitter.com/hhlgAVx7HA
— Phil Magness (@PhilWMagness) February 21, 2026
The U.S. Current Account [Trade] Deficit is Fully Funded by the Capital Account Surplus [net inflow of foreign capital].
There is no "Balance of Payments Deficit" justification for President Trump's newest effort to tax American firms and families for buying imports. https://t.co/LHU8fhKa8o pic.twitter.com/tRwEIc7Try
— Alan Reynolds (@AlanReynoldsEcn) February 21, 2026
Section 122 tariffs require the condition of "large and serious United States balance-of-payments deficits."
The current US balance of payments deficit is zero.
This new tariff is therefore illegal, just like the last one. https://t.co/6B7roOc2xe
— Phil Magness (@PhilWMagness) February 21, 2026
Meanwhile, back in the logical world …
Tariffs aren't new—neither is the misguided notion of "reciprocal" ones. Milton Friedman cut through this fallacy with clarity: When other nations restrict trade, they harm their own citizens. When we respond with our own tariffs, we merely punish our citizens, too. After all,… pic.twitter.com/I7MYJbT3wm
— Free To Choose (@FreeToChooseNet) April 4, 2025
Gorsuch on Trump’s Nonsense
“.. He may set tariffs at 1 percent or 1,000,000 percent .. and he may change his mind at any time for nearly any reason.”
– Gorsuch https://t.co/tdLe9jvCVl pic.twitter.com/hcEy9W18TJ
— Carl Quintanilla (@carlquintanilla) February 21, 2026
Section 122 Is illegal as Implemented
I expect a quick challenge and for Trump to lose in the International Court of Trade.
Given the recent Supreme Court ruling, this case should progress much faster, perhaps with an immediate stay on grounds of likely success.
This will be fun.